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The presentation is tomorrow at nine, and it is 11:40 p.m., and you are rehearsing disaster. Not vaguely. In detail. The projector will fail, the numbers will be wrong, a senior person will ask the one question you cannot answer, and the room will go quiet in the particular way that rooms do. You imagine the quiet. You feel it in your stomach. Then, because you are the kind of person who does this, you get up, make tea, and spend ninety minutes preparing for each failure on the list. By morning you are ready. You also feel like a fraud.
Two different things may be happening at once, and they look almost identical from the outside. Imposter syndrome is the persistent belief that you are not as capable as people think, and that you will eventually be found out. Defensive pessimism is a deliberate strategy of expecting the worst so that anxiety can be turned into careful preparation. One drains people. The other, for some, helps them perform.
The difference matters more than the headlines suggest.
This article compares imposter syndrome and defensive pessimism, explains what each is, what research says about them, how to tell them apart in your own head, and what to do about each.
It also takes a hard look at the claim that they are secretly the same thing, since the evidence for that is thinner than social media would have you believe. And it asks the practical question underneath: which of your late-night habits deserve keeping, and which are quietly costing you?
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What is imposter syndrome, and is it a real diagnosis?
Imposter syndrome, also called the impostor phenomenon, is an internal experience of intellectual or professional phoniness: the persistent feeling that your success is undeserved, accidental or the product of fooling others, despite evidence of competence. It is not a diagnosis. It does not appear in the DSM-5 or in the International Classification of Diseases, and clinicians treat it as a pattern of thought and feeling, not as a disorder.
The concept was introduced by psychologists Pauline Rose Clance and Suzanne Imes in a 1978 paper in Psychotherapy: Theory, Research & Practice, “The imposter phenomenon in high achieving women: Dynamics and therapeutic intervention.” Based on clinical work with a select sample of high-achieving women, they described an internal experience of intellectual phoniness: despite outstanding academic and professional accomplishments, these women persisted in believing that they were not bright and had fooled anyone who thought otherwise. Numerous achievements did not seem to alter the belief. They linked it to early family dynamics and to internalized sex-role stereotypes, and they described four factors that maintain the feeling over time.
Later research changed the picture in an important way. Clance herself and subsequent researchers found that the experience is not limited to women or to high achievers; it has been reported across genders, professions, ages and cultures. A 2011 review by Jaruwan Sakulku and James Alexander in the International Journal of Behavioral Science noted that the phenomenon was initially thought to affect only professional women but that later research showed it affects a wide range of people. That review also repeated a widely quoted estimate that about 70 percent of people may experience at least one episode of impostor feelings in their lives. The figure comes from secondary sources and should be treated as a rough popular estimate, not a measured prevalence.
A more careful look at prevalence comes from a 2020 systematic review of studies, mostly of medical students, residents and other professionals, which found estimates ranging from roughly 9 percent to 82 percent, depending on the sample and the scale used. That wide range is itself informative: it tells you that “imposter syndrome” is partly a function of how you measure it and where you draw the line.
Common features include attributing success to luck or timing, discounting praise, overworking to avoid being “found out,” fear of failure, and anxiety when starting a new task. Researchers often describe an impostor cycle: a new task triggers self-doubt, which triggers either excessive preparation or procrastination, and when the outcome is good, the success is credited to effort or luck, not ability, so the doubt is reinforced.
Picture Dana, 31, a newly promoted analyst. She prepares for every meeting as if her job depends on it, and when her manager praises a report, she thinks, “I just got lucky with the data.” Her fear does not shrink with each success. It adapts.
That unshrinking quality, the way evidence fails to correct the belief, is the heart of the phenomenon.

What is defensive pessimism, and how is it different from ordinary pessimism?
Defensive pessimism is a cognitive strategy in which people set low expectations for an upcoming performance, then imagine in detail what might go wrong, and use the resulting anxiety to motivate preparation. It is not general gloom. It is a specific way of handling situations in which people feel anxious and want to do well.
The concept was introduced by psychologists Julie K. Norem and Nancy Cantor in the mid-1980s. In a 1986 article in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, “Defensive pessimism: Harnessing anxiety as motivation,” they discussed strategies that people use to cope with situations that are risky because they present a possibility of failure and a threat to self-esteem. Prior research had suggested that anxiety and explicitly set low expectations lead to performance deficits. Their experiments showed something different: defensive pessimists, people who use low expectations to cope with anxiety, can perform as well as optimists, and when researchers interfered with the strategy, their performance dropped. The strategy, in other words, seemed to be doing work.
A companion paper in Cognitive Therapy and Research the same year, “Anticipatory and post hoc cushioning strategies: Optimism and defensive pessimism in ‘risky’ situations,” compared defensive pessimists with optimists on an anagram task. Defensive pessimists expected to perform significantly worse, even though there was no difference in actual performance. The authors suggested that defensive pessimists are cushioned by structuring the situation beforehand, whereas optimists cushion themselves afterward, for example by claiming more credit for success than for failure.
The key features of the strategy are:
- Low expectations: “This will probably go badly,” even when past performance has been good.
- Mental simulation: imagining specific things that could go wrong, step by step.
- Planned responses: using the imagined problems to prepare, rehearse and set up safeguards.
- A sense of control: converting vague dread into a list of things to do.
It also helps to note what defensive pessimism is not. It is not clinical depression, which involves persistent low mood and loss of interest; it is not the generalized negativity of a pessimistic worldview; and it is not the same as anxiety disorders, in which worry is excessive, uncontrollable and impairing. Defensive pessimists typically have a history of doing well, and their low expectations are a tool, not a conviction about their own incompetence.
Imagine Tomás, 38, a surgeon-in-training who tells colleagues before every operation that it will probably be a mess. Then he walks through each step, plans for each complication and performs very well. His colleagues think he is a worrier. He thinks he is being careful.
The strategy works because the pessimism is aimed at an action plan, not at the self.
How do imposter syndrome and defensive pessimism overlap?
They share a surface: both involve anxiety before performance, low stated confidence and extra preparation. Because of that, they are easy to confuse, and the popular claim that “defensive pessimism is imposter syndrome in disguise” circulates widely. The claim is not well supported. They overlap in behavior but differ in mechanism, in how they relate to evidence and in what they do to a person over time.
| Feature | Imposter syndrome | Defensive pessimism |
|---|---|---|
| What it is | A persistent belief that you are not as competent as others think | A strategy of setting low expectations to manage anxiety |
| Where the doubt points | At the self: “I am a fraud” | At the situation: “This could go wrong” |
| Response to success | Discounts it as luck or effort | Accepts it as confirmation that preparation worked |
| Preparation | Often compulsive or avoidant, driven by fear of exposure | Targeted, driven by specific imagined problems |
| Typical emotional result | Chronic anxiety, shame, exhaustion | Anxiety that is channeled, with relief or satisfaction after |
| Effect on performance | Mixed; can lead to overwork, burnout or avoidance | Often comparable to optimists when strategy is intact |
| Official status | Not a diagnosis | A research construct, not a diagnosis |
The difference that matters most is the target of the doubt. In imposter syndrome the doubt is global: it questions the self. In defensive pessimism it is local: it questions the outcome of a specific event, while the person generally trusts their ability to handle things if they prepare. A defensive pessimist who succeeds says, “Good, the preparation worked.” An imposter who succeeds says, “I got away with it.”
The second difference is what happens with evidence. Defensive pessimists update: after several successes, many relax their strategy somewhat, or at least recognize that they tend to do well. Impostor feelings, by definition, resist evidence. As the original paper noted, numerous achievements do not appear to change the belief.
The two can coexist. A person can have impostor feelings and use defensive pessimism as one of the strategies for coping with them. In that case the strategy may help with the task but do nothing for the underlying belief. People can also use defensive pessimism without any impostor feelings, as many do before exams, interviews or performances.
One honest caveat: these categories come from research traditions that have not always been compared directly in the same samples, and the evidence on how they relate is limited. What we have are descriptions from clinical work and experiments on each, not head-to-head comparisons.
Take two colleagues, Priya and Marcus, both 34, both anxious before a client pitch. Priya says “I’m going to be found out.” Marcus says “This might crash, so let’s build a backup.” Both stay up late. Only one dreads the next pitch.

Does defensive pessimism really work, and what does it cost?
For many people it does work, at least on the task in hand, but the long-term price depends on how the strategy is used. Experiments suggest that defensive pessimists perform as well as optimists when they are allowed to use their strategy, and worse when they are not. The costs show up in mood and in how a person sees themselves.
Julie K. Norem described the strategy for general readers in her 2001 book The Positive Power of Negative Thinking. She argued that for anxious people, trying to “think positive” can backfire by removing the preparation that calms them, and that the better advice is to work with their natural style. The core finding from the original experiments is that interference with the strategy impairs performance: when defensive pessimists were encouraged to feel positive or were distracted from their mental rehearsal, they did worse.
Psychologists Norem and Edward C. Chang reviewed the work in 2002 in an article titled “The positive psychology of negative thinking,” published in the Journal of Clinical Psychology. They concluded that defensive pessimism can be an effective strategy for people who are prone to anxiety, helping them manage fear and prepare, and that an exclusive emphasis on optimism in the psychology literature overlooks cases in which positive thinking may not be adaptive. They also noted limits. In some contexts, strategic pessimism may be associated with costs to well-being, particularly over long periods or when the strategy generalizes beyond performance situations.
The evidence on those costs is mixed. Some longitudinal research has found that defensive pessimists show lower self-esteem or less personal growth over time than optimists, even though their performance is similar. Other work suggests that the difference is small, or depends on whether the person is using the strategy flexibly. The honest summary: the strategy helps performance for those who use it, and its long-term emotional price is uncertain and may vary.
The potential downsides include:
- Constant anxiety: the strategy is built on anxiety, and living in it can be wearing.
- Reduced enjoyment: when every event is rehearsed as a disaster, positive anticipation shrinks.
- Misreading by others: colleagues or friends may find the pessimism discouraging or mistake it for lack of confidence.
- Slippage into rumination: when imagining what could go wrong stops producing plans and turns into circular worry.
That last point is the border with unhealthy patterns. A defensive pessimist converts worry into action. A ruminator keeps the worry. If your pre-event imagination leaves you with a to-do list, you are probably using the strategy. If it leaves you with a knot in your stomach and no plan, you are probably ruminating.
Picture Elena, 27, a pianist. Before each concert she imagines three things going wrong, writes down what she will do for each, and walks onto the stage calm. A colleague with a similar tendency imagines the same disasters, but without a plan, and sleeps badly for three nights. Same sort of thought, different outcome.
How does imposter syndrome affect your work, health and relationships?
It tends to increase stress and can reduce job satisfaction, even when it does not reduce performance. Research is mostly correlational and relies on questionnaires, so we know more about associations than about causes. The pattern across studies, though, is fairly consistent.
Studies of professionals, students and academics link higher impostor scores with greater anxiety, depression, burnout and lower job satisfaction. A 2020 systematic review in the Journal of General Internal Medicine, led by Dawn M. Bravata and colleagues, examined research on prevalence, predictors and treatment of impostor syndrome and found associations with depression, anxiety and lower job satisfaction, as well as with burnout and lower self-confidence. The review also noted that the quality of studies was limited, that prevalence figures varied widely, and that few studies had tested treatments rigorously. Interventions were mostly small and exploratory.
Impostor feelings can also shape behavior in ways that look like diligence but may be costly. People may overprepare, to the point of exhaustion; avoid opportunities, such as applying for promotions or volunteering for visible projects; hesitate to ask for help, for fear of revealing ignorance; or find it hard to accept compliments. Some procrastinate, then work frantically near the deadline, then credit the result to the panic. Others become perfectionists, who treat any flaw as evidence of fraudulence.
In relationships, the feeling can create distance. Partners and friends may find it hard to reassure someone who discounts every reassurance, and the person may hide their anxieties out of shame. In teams, impostor feelings can lead to silence, which makes problems harder to detect.
The experience is not equally distributed. People from groups that are underrepresented in a field, or who are first in their family to attend university or enter a profession, often report stronger impostor feelings, and researchers caution against treating the problem as purely individual. Where the environment sends signals that a person does not belong, doubt may be a response to real exclusion, not an irrational distortion. Addressing the climate matters as much as addressing the thinking.
A fair question is whether impostor feelings ever help. A few researchers have suggested that moderate self-doubt can motivate effort and humility. The evidence for a net benefit is weak. Most studies find that the costs, in distress and in missed opportunities, outweigh any motivational effect.
Consider Kwame, 29, the first in his family to become an engineer. He turns down a lead role because “someone better will want it,” then spends a year doing the work of the role without the title. The doubt did not protect him. It cost him.

How can you tell which one you are experiencing?
Ask what happens after you succeed, where your doubt points and what your preparation feels like. These three questions separate the two patterns in most cases. Neither pattern is a diagnosis, so the aim is not a label but a better understanding of what is driving your anxiety.
- What do you do with success? If you can say “I prepared well and it worked,” you may be using defensive pessimism. If you think “I got lucky” or “they haven’t noticed yet,” impostor feelings are more likely.
- Where does the doubt point? Doubt about an event (“The demo may crash”) suggests a strategy. Doubt about yourself (“I don’t belong here”) suggests impostor feelings.
- What is your preparation like? Specific and finite preparation, such as a checklist that ends, suggests a strategy. Endless, escalating preparation, with a sense that it is never enough, suggests impostor feelings or perfectionism.
- How do you feel afterward? Relief, followed by a return to normal confidence, fits defensive pessimism. A quick return of doubt, or a sense that you have narrowly escaped, fits the impostor cycle.
- What does evidence do? If a run of good results gradually makes you less worried, your pessimism is responsive to feedback. If nothing changes, the belief may not be about performance.
- Is it everywhere or only in certain situations? Defensive pessimism is usually tied to specific high-stakes events. Impostor feelings tend to be pervasive within a domain, such as your career.
Standardized measures exist. The Clance Impostor Phenomenon Scale, developed by Pauline Clance in the 1980s, is a 20-item questionnaire widely used in research, and the Defensive Pessimism Questionnaire, developed by Norem and colleagues, is used to identify defensive pessimists. Both are research tools. Scores tell you where you fall relative to samples, not whether you have a disorder, and online versions vary in quality.
It also helps to separate each from generalized anxiety disorder and depression. If worry is excessive, hard to control and accompanied by sleep disruption, muscle tension, irritability or low mood lasting weeks, a clinician should assess for an anxiety or depressive disorder. Impostor feelings and defensive pessimism can occur alongside such conditions, and treating the underlying condition often helps both.
Many people will find that they use a bit of both. A student may use defensive pessimism before an exam and feel like an impostor in the seminar room. That is not a contradiction; it is a sign that situations and beliefs differ.
Try a one-week experiment. After each event that triggers anxiety, write down what you expected, what happened, how you explained it and how you felt. Patterns tend to appear quickly.
Imagine Jin, 33, who keeps notes after three client calls. In each case he predicted disaster, prepared, and did well. But he credited the outcomes to “the client being easy.” His notes show a strategy in the preparation and a belief in the explanation.
What helps with imposter syndrome? Evidence-based steps
Treatments that target unhelpful beliefs, such as cognitive behavioral approaches, along with changes to the environment and supportive relationships, are the best-supported options, though research on interventions specifically for impostor syndrome is still limited. The following steps draw on general evidence about self-doubt and on clinical practice.
- Name it. Recognizing that this is a common pattern, not a verdict on your character, reduces shame. Talking to peers often reveals that others feel the same.
- Keep an evidence file. Record concrete achievements, positive feedback and problems you solved. When doubt arrives, review the file as you would review a colleague’s record.
- Change your explanations. When you succeed, practice crediting skill and effort, not only luck. When you fail, practice describing specific, fixable causes, not global flaws. Cognitive behavioral therapy uses this approach, and psychologist Albert Bandura‘s work on self-efficacy suggests that mastery experiences, those in which you attribute success to your own actions, are the strongest source of belief in your ability.
- Share the doubt. Tell a mentor or trusted colleague what you are worried about. Hidden doubt grows; spoken doubt tends to shrink.
- Allow imperfection. Set a deliberate “good enough” standard for some tasks and see what happens. Most people discover that the penalties for minor flaws are smaller than they feared.
- Accept praise. Practice saying “thank you” without deflecting. It feels awkward at first.
- Look at the environment. If a workplace or program signals that you do not belong, seek allies, mentors and communities, and consider whether the problem lies in the culture, not in you.
Bandura’s idea of self-efficacy, set out in his 1977 paper “Self-efficacy: Toward a unifying theory of behavioral change” in Psychological Review, is a useful frame here. He proposed that people’s beliefs about their ability to perform specific tasks shape their effort, persistence and anxiety, and that those beliefs are built from performance accomplishments, vicarious experience, social persuasion and physiological states. Impostor feelings can be seen as a failure to update self-efficacy beliefs when evidence arrives, and the steps above all aim to make the update happen.
If impostor feelings are intense, last for months and are accompanied by depression, anxiety, insomnia or serious avoidance, talk to a therapist, counselor or doctor. Therapy can help sort out whether anxiety, perfectionism, depression or a history of criticism is part of the picture. If you ever feel hopeless or have thoughts of harming yourself, contact local emergency services or a crisis line immediately.
Organizations can help too. Clear feedback, transparent criteria for promotion, mentoring programs, and leaders who talk about their own struggles reduce the guessing that feeds impostor feelings.
Consider Lucia, 36, a lawyer who began keeping a one-page “wins” document. After three months, she noticed that the file contradicted the story she told herself. The feeling did not vanish. It lost some of its authority.

How can you use defensive pessimism well, and when should you stop?
Use it as a tool with a clear start and end: imagine what could go wrong, make a plan for each item, and then stop. Defensive pessimism is most useful when it ends in specific actions and a return to calm. It becomes harmful when it turns into constant worry or when it extends to every area of life.
Set the stage by picking a situation that matters and in which you can influence the outcome, such as a presentation, an exam or a difficult conversation. List what could go wrong: five to ten specific problems, including small ones like a late start, a technical failure or a hostile question. Plan a response to each in concrete steps, then rehearse the recovery, imagining the problem and your solution together, which is what turns anxiety into confidence. Set a stopping point, ideally the night before, and switch to calming activities such as a walk, a meal or sleep. Afterward, review how your predictions compared with what happened, noticing how often the worst did not occur and how often your plan helped.
Norem’s research suggests that defensive pessimists should not be pushed to adopt positive thinking before performance, since that can disrupt their preparation. At the same time, it is wise to check whether the strategy has spread. Questions to ask include: Do I use it for everything, including events where I cannot affect the outcome? Do I feel worse about myself over time? Do I find that I cannot enjoy good news? If the answers are yes, consider loosening the strategy and addressing the underlying anxiety.
One useful adjustment is to add a “best case” step. After you have prepared for what could go wrong, imagine briefly what going well would look like. This does not cancel the strategy; it broadens it, and it may reduce the long-term cost to enjoyment. Research on this particular combination is limited, so treat it as an experiment.
A second adjustment is to work on the self-talk around the strategy. “I’m preparing for problems because I want to do well” is a kinder message than “I’m bad at this and will fail.”
Defensive pessimism should not be used to avoid taking risks. If the strategy leads you to decline opportunities because the imagined problems feel too large, it is serving fear, not performance.
Imagine Amara, 41, who uses the steps before every board presentation. Over a year, she notices that her list of imagined disasters is getting shorter, and that her worst fears rarely occur. She keeps the strategy, but she now ends each session with a line: “If it goes well, I’ll be pleased.” It is a small change, and she says it matters.
When should you seek help, and what if you have both?
Seek help when the doubt or anxiety lasts for weeks, interferes with work or relationships, or comes with symptoms of depression or an anxiety disorder. Having both patterns is common, and a professional can help you sort out which is which and what to do about each.
Signs that merit a conversation with a therapist, counselor or doctor are worth knowing.
Watch for persistent distress, meaning worry, shame or dread present most days that does not ease with success; avoidance of opportunities, such as turning down promotions or projects out of fear of exposure; physical symptoms like poor sleep, muscle tension or panic attacks linked to performance; low mood or hopelessness that goes beyond self-doubt; and substance use or other unhealthy coping to manage anxiety.
Cognitive behavioral therapy is the best-studied approach for anxiety, perfectionism and unhelpful self-beliefs, and acceptance and commitment therapy can help people act on their values while carrying doubt. A primary care doctor can screen for depression and anxiety and refer you. In workplaces and universities, mentoring, coaching and peer support groups may also help.
If you have both patterns, treat them as separate targets. The defensive pessimism may be worth keeping as a preparation tool, while the impostor beliefs are worth working on directly. Changing both at once can feel destabilizing, so a gradual approach is reasonable.
A final observation. Anxiety in a person who cares about doing well is not a defect. Both patterns reflect high standards and sensitivity to evaluation. The task is to ensure that those qualities work for you instead of against you. That may mean preparing without punishing yourself, accepting praise without suspicion, and giving the doubt a place on the agenda but not the chair.
It is also worth recognizing the limits of self-help. Some of the loudest advice online, such as “just fake it until you make it” or “your doubt proves you’re talented,” lacks solid evidence. A few people feel better hearing it; others feel worse. Make your own tests and keep what works.
Imagine Sofia, 39, who sought therapy after turning down a director role. She learned that her late-night preparations were a useful habit, while the belief that she was “fooling everyone” was not. Over six months she kept the first and let go of most of the second. She did take the role, with a checklist and a mentor.
FAQs about Imposter Syndrome and Defensive Pessimism
What is the difference between imposter syndrome and defensive pessimism?
Imposter syndrome is a persistent belief that you are less capable than others think and will be found out, even when evidence shows otherwise. Defensive pessimism is a strategy in which people set low expectations for a performance, imagine what could go wrong and use that anxiety to prepare. The first targets the self and resists evidence. The second targets the situation and usually responds to results. They can look alike from outside, since both involve anxiety and extra preparation, but they work differently and affect people differently.
Is imposter syndrome a mental illness?
No. It is not a diagnosis in the DSM-5 or the International Classification of Diseases, and researchers describe it as a pattern of thoughts and feelings. Psychologists Pauline Clance and Suzanne Imes first described it in 1978. It is associated with anxiety, depression and burnout in many studies, so intense or long-lasting impostor feelings deserve attention. A clinician can assess whether another condition is present. For many people, impostor feelings are a common, uncomfortable experience that can be addressed through changes in thinking and environment.
Is defensive pessimism bad for you?
Not necessarily. Research by Julie Norem and Nancy Cantor found that defensive pessimists often perform as well as optimists, and that interfering with their strategy worsens performance. The strategy converts anxiety into preparation. Its possible costs include constant anxiety, reduced enjoyment and, in some studies, lower self-esteem over time, though the evidence is mixed. It becomes a problem if it turns into rumination, if it is applied to every area of life or if it leads to avoiding opportunities. Used with a clear stopping point, it can be helpful.
Can you have imposter syndrome and be a defensive pessimist at the same time?
Yes. The two can coexist, and many people use defensive pessimism as one way of coping with impostor feelings. In that case the preparation may help with the task but leave the underlying belief untouched. Others use defensive pessimism without any impostor feelings, for example before exams or interviews. The research literature has not examined their overlap in depth, so the relationship is better understood from clinical observation than from head-to-head studies. Tracking your explanations after success can help you tell which is operating.
How common is imposter syndrome?
Estimates vary widely. A frequently quoted figure says that about 70 percent of people will experience at least one episode of impostor feelings in their lives, but it comes from secondary sources and is better seen as a rough estimate. A 2020 systematic review found prevalence figures ranging from about 9 percent to 82 percent across studies, depending on the group studied and the measurement scale. The range shows that numbers depend on how impostor feelings are defined and measured, not that any one figure is correct.
Why do successful people feel like frauds?
Several factors may contribute: perfectionism, early family messages about achievement, attributing success to luck or effort rather than ability, discounting praise, and environments in which a person feels different or excluded. Clance and Imes proposed in 1978 that early family dynamics and societal stereotypes played a part. More recent work stresses that the experience is common across genders and groups, and that it is often linked to anxiety and to self-doubt that does not update when evidence arrives. Success can even raise the stakes by increasing fear of exposure.
How do I stop feeling like an imposter?
Start by recognizing the pattern and talking about it with trusted people. Keep a record of concrete achievements and feedback, practice crediting your own skill and effort for successes, and share your doubts with a mentor. Allow some imperfection and practice accepting praise. Cognitive behavioral therapy can help with beliefs that do not change. If the feelings are intense or accompanied by depression or anxiety symptoms, speak with a therapist or doctor. Also consider whether your environment is sending signals that make belonging harder.
Can I use defensive pessimism before a big event?
Yes, if you tend to be anxious and it helps you prepare. List what could go wrong, plan a specific response to each item, rehearse the recovery, and stop at a set point so that worry does not run on. Research suggests that pushing defensive pessimists to think positively may hurt their performance. Check afterward how your predictions compared with what happened, and consider adding a brief best-case step. If the strategy starts to feel like constant dread, or if you avoid opportunities because of it, consider loosening it with professional help.
Bibliography
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- Bravata, D. M., Watts, S. A., Keefer, A. L., Madhusudhan, D. K., Taylor, K. T., Clark, D. M., Nelson, R. S., Cokley, K. O., & Hagg, H. K. (2020). Prevalence, predictors, and treatment of impostor syndrome: A systematic review. Journal of General Internal Medicine, 35(4), 1252-1275.
- Clance, P. R., & Imes, S. A. (1978). The imposter phenomenon in high achieving women: Dynamics and therapeutic intervention. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research & Practice, 15(3), 241-247.
- Norem, J. K. (2001). The positive power of negative thinking. Basic Books.
- Norem, J. K., & Cantor, N. (1986). Anticipatory and post hoc cushioning strategies: Optimism and defensive pessimism in “risky” situations. Cognitive Therapy and Research, 10(3), 347-362.
- Norem, J. K., & Cantor, N. (1986). Defensive pessimism: Harnessing anxiety as motivation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 51(6), 1208-1217.
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- Sakulku, J., & Alexander, J. (2011). The impostor phenomenon. International Journal of Behavioral Science, 6(1), 73-92.
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