​The 12 Warning Signs of Fascism According to Umberto Eco

Politics has always been an integrated element in human life, both in what affects us collectively and in what has to do with our individuality. However, some social phenomena leave more of a mark than others, and in some cases, for the worse.

Over the last few decades, numerous social psychologists, sociologists and thinkers have dedicated themselves to looking back to recognize what have been, historically, the first symptoms of the appearance (or reappearance) of exclusive and ideological movements based on the criminalization of minorities.

Among these efforts to understand these dynamics are the warning signs of the emergence of fascism proposed by the philosopher and writer Umberto Eco.

The rise of fascist movements throughout history has consistently puzzled psychologists, political scientists, and citizens alike. How do entire populations become swept up in authoritarian ideologies that ultimately harm their own interests? What psychological vulnerabilities do fascist leaders exploit? These questions became particularly urgent following World War II, when scholars like Theodor Adorno and Umberto Eco sought to understand the psychological foundations of fascism to prevent its recurrence. Eco’s analysis, informed by his personal experience growing up under Mussolini’s regime, offers a uniquely valuable framework for recognizing the early warning signs of fascist movements. From a psychological standpoint, each of Eco’s characteristics represents a different way that fascist movements exploit fundamental human cognitive biases, emotional needs, and social dynamics. Understanding these psychological mechanisms is crucial not only for historical analysis but for recognizing and resisting fascist appeals in contemporary political contexts.

The Historical and Psychological Context of Eco’s Analysis

Umberto Eco’s analysis of fascism emerged from both personal experience and scholarly observation. Born in 1932, Eco lived through Mussolini’s fascist regime as a child and witnessed firsthand how fascist ideology permeated daily life in Italy. His later work as a semiotician—someone who studies signs, symbols, and meaning-making—gave him unique insight into how fascist movements use language, symbols, and cultural narratives to manipulate public consciousness.

Eco’s central thesis was that fascism is not a single, coherent ideology but rather what he termed “Ur-Fascism” or “Eternal Fascism”—a constellation of psychological and cultural tendencies that can emerge in different forms across time and place. This psychological approach aligns with modern research showing that fascist susceptibility stems from deep-seated cognitive and emotional patterns rather than simply political disagreements.

The psychological foundations of Eco’s analysis draw heavily from the authoritarian personality research pioneered by Theodor Adorno and his colleagues in the 1950s. This landmark study identified specific personality traits—including conventionalism, authoritarian submission, and aggression toward outgroups—that make individuals more susceptible to fascist appeals. Eco’s characteristics can be understood as the cultural and political manifestations of these underlying psychological vulnerabilities.

Modern psychological research has significantly expanded our understanding of why people become attracted to authoritarian movements. Social Dominance Theory shows that individuals who score high on social dominance orientation are more likely to support group-based hierarchies and oppose egalitarian policies. System Justification Theory explains why people often support political systems even when those systems disadvantage them personally. These findings help explain how fascist movements can gain popular support even among those who suffer under fascist policies.

Psychological Mechanisms Behind Fascist Appeals

Understanding fascism from a psychological perspective requires examining the cognitive biases, personality factors, and emotional needs that fascist movements exploit. Research in political psychology has identified several key mechanisms that make individuals more susceptible to authoritarian appeals.

Cognitive biases play a crucial role in fascist susceptibility. Confirmation bias—the tendency to seek information that confirms existing beliefs—makes people more likely to accept fascist propaganda that aligns with their preconceptions. In-group favoritism and out-group derogation are fundamental human tendencies that fascist movements amplify and weaponize. System justification motivates people to defend existing social arrangements even when those arrangements harm them personally.

Personality factors also contribute significantly to fascist susceptibility. Individuals high in Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) show strong submission to authority figures, aggression toward those who violate conventional norms, and rigid adherence to traditional values. Those high in Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) prefer hierarchical social arrangements and oppose policies that promote equality. Need for cognitive closure—the desire for certainty and discomfort with ambiguity—makes people more attracted to the simple, black-and-white worldview that fascist movements offer.

Emotional factors are equally important. Fear and anxiety, particularly about social change or personal security, make people more receptive to authoritarian leaders who promise protection. Status anxiety—fear of losing one’s social position—can drive support for movements that promise to restore traditional hierarchies. Existential threats to meaning and identity create psychological conditions where charismatic leaders and simple ideologies become appealing.

Social factors provide the context within which individual psychological vulnerabilities become politically relevant. Economic frustration and social displacement create the grievances that fascist movements exploit. Group identity threats—real or perceived challenges to one’s ethnic, national, or cultural group—activate the psychological defenses that fascist movements channel into political action.

Eco’s First Seven Characteristics: Foundation of Fascist Thinking

The Cult of Tradition

Eco’s first characteristic identifies fascism’s relationship with traditionalism as a form of psychological regression. Fascist movements don’t simply honor the past; they create what Eco called a “syncretistic” relationship with tradition, selectively combining elements from different historical periods to create an idealized mythical past.

From a psychological perspective, the cult of tradition serves several important functions. It provides cognitive simplicity in a complex world by offering clear, unchanging values and hierarchies. It satisfies the need for belongingness by connecting individuals to something greater than themselves. Most importantly, it creates a psychological escape from modernity’s uncertainties by promising a return to a time when life was supposedly simpler and more meaningful.

Research on nostalgia and political behavior shows that people experiencing anxiety or threat often romanticize the past as a way of coping with present difficulties. Fascist movements exploit this tendency by presenting themselves as the guardians of traditional values against the corrupting forces of modernity.

The Rejection of Modernism

Closely related to traditionalism is fascism’s rejection of Enlightenment values such as reason, scientific inquiry, and individual rights. Eco noted that fascists view “the Age of Reason” as “the beginning of modern depravity.” This rejection serves crucial psychological functions for fascist movements.

Anti-intellectualism appeals to people who feel excluded or threatened by educated elites. By rejecting expertise and rational discourse, fascist movements validate the resentments of those who feel left behind by social and economic change. This creates a powerful us-versus-them dynamic where “common sense” is positioned against “intellectual elitism.”

Psychologically, the rejection of modernism also serves as a defense against cognitive dissonance. When fascist beliefs conflict with factual evidence, rejecting the entire framework of rational inquiry becomes a way to maintain ideological consistency. This explains why fascist movements often attack universities, scientists, and journalists—not just for political reasons, but to protect their followers from information that might challenge fascist worldviews.

The Cult of Action for Action’s Sake

Fascist movements promote action without reflection, viewing thinking as “a form of emasculation.” This characteristic serves several psychological purposes that help maintain fascist movements and prevent critical evaluation of fascist policies.

Thinking requires tolerance for ambiguity and complexity, psychological capacities that research shows are lower among individuals attracted to authoritarian movements. By promoting action over reflection, fascist movements allow their followers to avoid the cognitive effort required to critically evaluate fascist claims and policies.

The cult of action also serves important identity and masculinity functions. Research on gender and authoritarianism shows that fascist movements often appeal to traditional masculine ideals that emphasize strength, decisiveness, and dominance. Action without reflection becomes a way of performing masculinity and demonstrating commitment to the fascist cause.

From a group psychology perspective, the emphasis on action helps create collective effervescence—the emotional high that comes from participating in group activities. Rallies, marches, and other forms of collective action generate powerful emotional experiences that strengthen commitment to the fascist movement independent of any rational evaluation of fascist goals or methods.

Disagreement is Treason

The fourth characteristic identifies fascism’s intolerance of dissent and critical thinking. Eco noted that “the critical spirit makes distinctions, and to distinguish is a sign of modernism.” This intolerance serves crucial psychological and social functions for fascist movements.

Critical thinking threatens authoritarian control by encouraging people to question fascist claims and compare fascist promises with reality. By labeling disagreement as treason, fascist movements create powerful social pressure for conformity while simultaneously identifying internal enemies who can be blamed for any problems the movement faces.

Research on social conformity shows that people have strong psychological needs to fit in with their groups, often changing their expressed opinions to match group consensus even when they privately disagree. Fascist movements exploit this tendency by creating environments where dissent is not just discouraged but dangerous.

The psychological mechanism behind this characteristic also involves cognitive load reduction. Making distinctions and evaluating competing arguments requires significant mental effort. By eliminating the legitimacy of alternative viewpoints, fascist movements reduce the cognitive burden on their followers while creating the illusion that fascist positions are obviously correct.

Fear of Difference

Eco’s fifth characteristic identifies racism and xenophobia as definitional features of fascism. The “first appeal of a fascist movement,” he noted, “is an appeal against the intruders.” This fear of difference exploits some of the most fundamental psychological processes in human social cognition.

In-group/out-group bias is a basic feature of human psychology that helped our ancestors survive in small groups. However, fascist movements amplify and weaponize these natural tendencies, transforming normal preference for familiar groups into active hostility toward different groups.

Research on intergroup threat theory shows that people respond to perceived threats to their group by increasing in-group loyalty and out-group hostility. Fascist movements deliberately cultivate perceptions of threat, presenting cultural, ethnic, or religious minorities as existential dangers to the majority group’s way of life.

System justification research reveals that fear of difference often increases when people feel their social system is threatened. During periods of economic uncertainty or social change, people become more motivated to defend existing arrangements and more hostile to groups that represent change or challenge to the status quo.

Appeal to Social Frustration

The sixth characteristic focuses on fascism’s appeal to economically and socially frustrated middle-class populations. Eco noted that fascist movements typically target people “suffering from an economic crisis or feelings of political humiliation, and frightened by the pressure of lower social groups.”

Relative deprivation theory in psychology explains why people’s satisfaction depends not just on their absolute conditions but on how they compare to others. Middle-class individuals who see their status declining relative to other groups experience particular frustration because they have more to lose than those who never had high status.

Research on status threat shows that people whose social position is challenged often respond with increased prejudice and support for hierarchical ideologies. Fascist movements exploit this by promising to restore traditional hierarchies that favor middle-class groups over both economic elites and lower-status minorities.

The psychological appeal to social frustration also involves scapegoating mechanisms. Rather than addressing the complex economic and social forces that create middle-class anxiety, fascist movements offer simple explanations that blame specific groups. This satisfies people’s need for causal understanding while directing anger away from systemic problems that might be difficult to solve.

The Obsession with a Plot

The seventh characteristic identifies conspiracy thinking as a core feature of fascist psychology. Eco observed that “at the root of the Ur-Fascist psychology there is the obsession with a plot, possibly an international one. The followers must feel besieged.”

Conspiracy theories serve important psychological functions for people experiencing anxiety, powerlessness, or loss of control. They provide simple explanations for complex problems, restore feelings of understanding and prediction, and identify clear enemies who can be blamed and fought.

Research on conspiracy belief shows that people are more likely to endorse conspiracy theories when they feel threatened or when their basic psychological needs are unmet. Fascist movements deliberately cultivate feelings of threat and siege to increase their followers’ receptiveness to conspiratorial thinking.

The obsession with plots also serves group cohesion functions. Believing that one’s group is under attack from hidden enemies creates strong in-group solidarity and justifies extreme measures against perceived threats. This explains why fascist movements often claim to be defending against vast international conspiracies rather than acknowledging that they represent minority viewpoints seeking to gain power.

Eco’s Middle Characteristics: Rhetorical and Social Strategies

The Enemy is Both Strong and Weak

The eighth characteristic reveals a fundamental contradiction in fascist rhetoric: enemies are simultaneously portrayed as existentially threatening and pathetically weak. This apparent paradox serves crucial psychological functions that help maintain fascist movements despite their logical inconsistencies.

Cognitive dissonance research shows that people can hold contradictory beliefs when those beliefs serve different psychological needs. The image of enemies as strong justifies extreme measures and creates the sense of urgency that motivates fascist action. The image of enemies as weak satisfies followers’ need to feel superior and gives confidence that victory is achievable.

This characteristic also exploits motivated reasoning—people’s tendency to evaluate information in ways that support their preferred conclusions. When fascist movements need to justify aggression, they emphasize enemy strength. When they need to boost morale, they emphasize enemy weakness. Followers accept both messages because each serves their psychological needs in different contexts.

Research on threat perception shows that people’s assessment of danger depends heavily on emotional state and group identity rather than objective analysis. Fascist movements manipulate these perceptions by constantly shifting rhetorical focus to maintain optimal levels of fear and confidence among their followers.

Pacifism is Trafficking with the Enemy

The ninth characteristic identifies fascism’s glorification of conflict and rejection of peaceful solutions. Eco noted that for fascists, “there is no struggle for life but, rather, life is lived for struggle.” This philosophy serves several important psychological functions.

Conflict provides meaning and identity for people who might otherwise feel purposeless or alienated. Research on terror management theory shows that people need to feel their lives have significance beyond their individual mortality. Participating in great struggles against evil enemies provides this sense of cosmic importance.

The rejection of pacifism also serves masculine identity functions in cultures that associate conflict with strength and courage. Fascist movements often appeal to gender anxieties by presenting their struggles as tests of masculine virtue, making peaceful solutions appear weak or feminine.

From a group dynamics perspective, constant conflict maintains group cohesion by preventing the normal processes of differentiation and internal criticism that occur during peaceful periods. By always being at war, fascist movements avoid the political accountability that comes with governing during peacetime.

Contempt for the Weak

The tenth characteristic reflects fascism’s inherent elitism and rejection of egalitarian values. Despite often claiming to represent “the people,” fascist movements actually express contempt for anyone they perceive as weak or vulnerable.

Social Dominance Theory explains this pattern by showing that some people are psychologically motivated to maintain hierarchical social arrangements. Individuals high in social dominance orientation see inequality as natural and desirable, viewing attempts to help disadvantaged groups as violations of proper social order.

Research on just-world beliefs shows that people often blame victims for their suffering as a way of maintaining belief that the world is fair and predictable. Fascist movements exploit this tendency by suggesting that weakness is a moral failing that deserves contempt rather than compassion.

The contempt for weakness also serves self-esteem functions by allowing fascist followers to feel superior to someone. Even people who occupy relatively low positions in social hierarchies can feel better about themselves by looking down on those they perceive as even weaker.

Everybody is Educated to Become a Hero

The eleventh characteristic identifies fascism’s cult of heroism as connected to its cult of death. Every fascist follower is expected to aspire to heroic sacrifice, creating a psychological environment where dying for the cause becomes the ultimate expression of virtue.

Terror management research shows that people have deep psychological needs to feel that their lives have meaning beyond their individual existence. Fascist movements exploit this by offering followers the chance to achieve immortality through heroic death, making ordinary life seem meaningless by comparison.

The cult of heroism also serves social comparison functions by establishing clear standards for group membership and status. Those who demonstrate willingness to sacrifice are elevated within the movement, while those who show concern for self-preservation are marginalized or expelled.

From a developmental psychology perspective, the emphasis on heroism appeals to adolescent psychological patterns that many adults never fully outgrow. The desire to be special, to matter, to be remembered—these needs make people susceptible to movements that promise heroic significance.

Eco’s Final Characteristics: Cultural and Linguistic Control

Machismo and Weaponry

The twelfth characteristic connects fascist psychology to gender anxiety and sexual control. Eco noted that fascist machismo involves both “disdain for women and intolerance and condemnation of nonstandard sexual habits.”

Gender threat research shows that people who feel their masculine identity is challenged often respond with increased aggression and support for traditional gender hierarchies. Fascist movements exploit these anxieties by presenting themselves as defenders of traditional masculinity against feminizing influences.

The connection between machismo and weaponry reflects deeper psychological associations between physical dominance and social status. In fascist psychology, the ability to inflict violence becomes proof of worthiness to rule, while peaceful or intellectual approaches to problems are seen as signs of weakness.

Research on sexual authoritarianism shows that rigid control of sexual behavior often correlates with authoritarian attitudes in other domains. Fascist movements use sexual norms as markers of group membership and loyalty, making sexual conformity a test of political commitment.

Selective Populism

The thirteenth characteristic reveals how fascist movements manipulate democratic language while undermining democratic substance. Eco warned of “a TV or Internet populism, in which the emotional response of a selected group of citizens can be presented and accepted as the Voice of the People.”

Social identity research shows that people’s political perceptions are heavily influenced by whether they identify with the groups making political claims. Fascist movements exploit this by claiming to represent “real” citizens while dismissing opposition voices as foreign, elite, or otherwise illegitimate.

The selectivity of fascist populism serves crucial cognitive dissonance reduction functions. When fascist movements lack majority support, they must find ways to maintain the belief that they represent popular will. Selective populism accomplishes this by defining legitimate public opinion in ways that exclude opposing viewpoints.

Modern research on media psychology shows that digital technologies make selective populism easier by allowing movements to create echo chambers where followers only encounter information that supports their beliefs. This technological amplification of confirmation bias makes fascist selective populism particularly dangerous in contemporary contexts.

Ur-Fascism Speaks Newspeak

The final characteristic focuses on fascism’s manipulation of language to control thought. Eco noted that fascist movements use “impoverished vocabulary and elementary syntax” to “limit the instruments for complex and critical reasoning.”

Linguistic relativity research suggests that language shapes thought by making certain concepts easier or harder to express and consider. By controlling vocabulary and simplifying syntax, fascist movements can literally make it more difficult for people to think critically about fascist claims.

The impoverishment of language also serves cognitive load management functions. Complex political issues require sophisticated vocabulary and reasoning capabilities. By reducing political discourse to simple slogans and emotional appeals, fascist movements make their messages more accessible while making competing viewpoints seem unnecessarily complicated.

Research on political communication shows that simplified messaging is often more persuasive than nuanced analysis, especially among people who lack time or inclination for careful political thought. Fascist movements exploit this by presenting themselves as offering common-sense solutions to problems that intellectuals have overcomplicated.

Modern Psychological Research and Fascist Movements

Contemporary psychological research has significantly advanced our understanding of the individual and social factors that contribute to fascist susceptibility. This research helps explain not only historical fascist movements but also contemporary authoritarian trends in democratic societies.

Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) research by Bob Altemeyer has identified three key components that predict fascist susceptibility: authoritarian submission, authoritarian aggression, and conventionalism. Individuals high in RWA show strong deference to authority figures, hostility toward groups that violate conventional norms, and rigid adherence to traditional values. This research helps explain why some people are more attracted to authoritarian leaders and more willing to support harsh policies against minorities and dissidents.

Social Dominance Theory provides another crucial framework for understanding fascist psychology. People who score high on Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) prefer hierarchical social arrangements and oppose policies that promote equality. They are more likely to support group-based dominance and to endorse legitimizing myths that justify inequality. This research explains why fascist movements often gain support not just from those who are struggling economically, but also from those who benefit from existing hierarchies and fear losing their advantages.

System Justification Theory reveals why people sometimes support political systems that disadvantage them personally. The motivation to see existing systems as fair and legitimate can lead individuals to rationalize inequality and resist social change even when change would benefit them. This research helps explain how fascist movements can gain support among working-class voters by appealing to system-justifying motivations rather than economic self-interest.

Terror Management Theory shows how awareness of death affects political behavior. When people are reminded of their mortality, they tend to support charismatic leaders and traditional worldviews that promise symbolic immortality. This research helps explain why fascist movements often emphasize themes of death, sacrifice, and eternal struggle—these themes activate psychological defenses that make people more receptive to authoritarian appeals.

Recent research on moral psychology has identified different moral priorities that correlate with political orientation. Conservatives tend to prioritize loyalty, authority, and sanctity, while liberals prioritize care and fairness. This research suggests that fascist movements succeed by appealing to moral concerns about loyalty and authority that resonate particularly strongly with conservative-minded individuals.

Studies of political polarization show how people’s political identities increasingly shape their perceptions of objective reality. When political identity becomes central to personal identity, people become motivated to accept information that supports their political group and reject information that challenges it, regardless of factual accuracy. This research helps explain how fascist movements can maintain support despite making demonstrably false claims.

Psychological Defense Mechanisms Against Fascist Appeals

Understanding the psychological mechanisms behind fascist susceptibility also suggests strategies for building resilience against authoritarian appeals. Research in cognitive and social psychology has identified several approaches that can help individuals and communities resist fascist manipulation.

Critical thinking education can help people recognize and resist the cognitive biases that fascist movements exploit. Teaching people about confirmation bias, motivated reasoning, and other psychological tendencies can make them more aware when these biases are being manipulated for political purposes.

Perspective-taking exercises can reduce the in-group/out-group bias that fascist movements amplify. When people are encouraged to consider the experiences and viewpoints of different groups, they become less susceptible to dehumanizing rhetoric about minorities and political opponents.

Anxiety management and stress reduction can address some of the emotional vulnerabilities that make people more susceptible to authoritarian appeals. When people feel more secure and confident, they are less likely to seek protection from strong leaders or to support extreme policies against perceived threats.

Democratic participation and civic engagement can provide alternative sources of meaning and identity that compete with fascist appeals. When people feel they have meaningful ways to influence their communities through democratic processes, they are less likely to support movements that promise to solve problems through authoritarian means.

Media literacy can help people navigate the information environment that fascist movements exploit. Understanding how selective populism works in digital media can help people recognize when they are being manipulated and seek out more diverse sources of information.

FAQs About The Warning Signs of Fascism According to Umberto Eco

What is the difference between Umberto Eco’s 14 characteristics and other definitions of fascism?

Eco’s approach is unique because it focuses on psychological and cultural patterns rather than specific political policies or historical circumstances. While historians might define fascism in terms of particular movements like Nazism or Italian Fascism, Eco identified underlying psychological tendencies that can manifest in different forms across different societies. His concept of “Ur-Fascism” or “Eternal Fascism” suggests that these patterns represent fundamental human psychological vulnerabilities rather than historically specific phenomena.

Are all 14 characteristics necessary for a movement to be considered fascist?

According to Eco, “it is enough that one of them be present to allow fascism to coagulate around it”. The characteristics can’t be organized into a rigid system because they often contradict each other. However, research suggests that the more characteristics present, the more dangerous the movement becomes. Modern psychological research supports this view by showing that different combinations of authoritarian traits can produce similar political outcomes.

How do these warning signs apply to contemporary political movements?

Modern political psychology research shows that Eco’s characteristics remain highly relevant for understanding contemporary authoritarian trends. Digital media and social networking have amplified many of these patterns, particularly selective populism and the obsession with plots. However, it’s important to evaluate entire patterns of behavior rather than making judgments based on isolated examples of individual characteristics.

What psychological factors make some people more susceptible to fascist appeals than others?

Research has identified several key factors: Right-Wing Authoritarianism (submission to authority, aggression toward outgroups, conventionalism), Social Dominance Orientation (preference for hierarchy and inequality), need for cognitive closure (discomfort with ambiguity), and system justification (motivation to defend existing arrangements). People experiencing economic anxiety, status threat, or existential insecurity are also more vulnerable to authoritarian appeals.

Can education and awareness prevent fascist movements from gaining support?

Psychological research suggests that education can be helpful but is not sufficient by itself. Critical thinking education, perspective-taking exercises, and media literacy can build resilience against fascist manipulation. However, emotional and social factors are often more important than rational knowledge. Effective prevention requires addressing the underlying anxieties and grievances that make fascist appeals attractive, not just teaching people to recognize fascist rhetoric.

Why do some economically disadvantaged people support fascist movements that may not serve their economic interests?

System Justification Theory explains that people are motivated to defend existing systems even when those systems disadvantage them personally. Additionally, fascist movements often appeal to non-economic concerns such as cultural identity, social status, and meaning-making that may be more important to individuals than material self-interest. The psychological benefits of belonging to a movement that promises significance and purpose can outweigh economic considerations.

How can democratic societies protect themselves against fascist movements while preserving freedom?

This represents one of the fundamental challenges of democratic governance. Research suggests several approaches: strengthening democratic institutions and norms, promoting civic education and engagement, addressing underlying social and economic grievances, and maintaining social cohesion across group boundaries. However, there are no easy solutions, and the balance between security and freedom remains a continuing challenge for democratic societies facing authoritarian threats.